Belarusian Smolensk Region

On the Features of Jurian Customs and Rituals of the Inhabitants of Smolensk Region (Based on Materials from the Late 19th – Early 20th Century)

• admin • 17 min read • Артыкулы

Anatol Litvinovich (Minsk, Belarus)

While browsing the Polish ethnographic journal “Lud” (“People”), I paid special attention to the work of Bolesław Breżga “Animals in the Beliefs of the Belarusians of Smolensk Province” [14]. This work is of interest to Belarusian folklore and ethnography mainly due to its factual material. Who is Bolesław Breżga, and why do his works hold scientific significance for contemporary Belarusian science?

Bolesław Breżga was born in 1887 near Rezekne in the former Vitebsk Province. He was a Latvian and Belarusian archaeologist, historian, archaeographer, and philologist. He received a doctorate in history in 1933. He graduated from Vitebsk Gymnasium in 1910 and the Moscow Archaeological Institute in 1916. From 1918, he was the head of the Vitebsk branch of this institute, and from 1922, he worked at the Vitebsk Provincial Archive, moving to Latvia in 1925.

He researched the historical connections between Belarusians and Lithuanians, the history of the 1863–1864 uprising in the Vitebsk region, and studied the Polotsk chronicles (“Relations of Polotsk and Latvians in the 8th-13th centuries” (1926), “Castles of Vitebsk Region” (1933), “Essays on the History of Peasant Movements in Latgale 1577–1907” (1956)). Breżga compiled a bibliography on the history of Belarus, gathered material for a comparative analysis of the Belarusian language and the Latgalian dialect, and taught a course on ancient Belarusian writing at the University of Latvia. B.R. Breżga passed away in 1957.

This Latvian scholar has several works on the traditional culture of Belarusians. One article was dedicated to Smolensk Region. This work is one of the most interesting and valuable for us. It mainly reflects the Jurian customs and rituals of our ancestors. The materials for this article were provided to R.B. Breżga by the well-known researcher of Smolensk Region, Vladimir Dabravolski. This work was read by Breżga in January 1926 at a meeting of the Institute of Anthropological Sciences of the Warsaw Scientific Society, already after Dabravolski’s death. By the way, it has not been mentioned in the studies of Belarusian scholars dedicated to Yuri, the Jurian rituals of Belarusians [2, p. 487–489; 4, p. 174–187; 5, p. 211–217; 8, p. 419–420; 10, p. 89–96; 11, p. 101–108; 12, p. 124–128; 13, p. 126–134]. Therefore, it is important to introduce it into the contemporary scientific context.

It should be emphasized that the scholar, thanks to the efforts of V. Dabravolski, provides partial passportization, indicating, for example, from which village or district a particular superstition, custom, or ritual originates. It is necessary to note that, probably, all the materials that he received from V. Dabravolski were included by Breżga in this article without changes. This is evidenced by the fact that some thoughts and conclusions of Dabravolski appear unfinished and fragmentary. On the other hand, the materials that Breżga received from Dabravolski demonstrate a good knowledge of the customs and rituals, and indeed the spiritual culture of the inhabitants of Smolensk Region. Only a native of the Smolensk region could know them perfectly.

The article by the Latvian researcher is titled “Animals in the Beliefs of the Belarusians of Smolensk Province,” in which the most interesting part for us is dedicated to the Jurian customs and rituals of the Belarusians of Smolensk Region.

Let us pay special attention to those customs and rituals that I have not encountered in other publications. The appearance of a calf in Smolensk Region, as noted in the publication, is an important event in peasant farming. Depending on which day the calf is born, Breżga writes, the hostess in Smolensk Region gives it a corresponding name: “Piatrovka,” “Seradovka,” and others.

Further, Breżga points to one custom that is widespread in some areas of Smolensk Region and about which we have not read anywhere else. Perhaps it has not been encountered anywhere else in the Belarusian ethnic territory or in Eastern Slavic lands. When a “pervasinka” (a cow that has calved for the first time) gives birth, she is given all kinds of attention, and a “miasochak” (“bag”) – a veil reminiscent of the attire of a young married woman – is placed on her horns [14, p. 54]. She wears this “headgear” until she loses it.

The publication notes that the most important cultic actions are performed precisely in the house concerning the cow that has calved for the first time. Here, in the house, the hostesses prepare porridge and also “maloziva,” placing them on hay. The hostess takes a lid from a tub, and on this lid, on the hay, she brings “maloziva,” which she ceremonially places on the table [14, p. 54]. Then the whole family prays and consumes “maloziva” with porridge. The pot from which the porridge was served is ceremonially broken, similar to during childbirth (baptism).

It is important to emphasize that the image of the cow (jalovka) is also present among the Smolensk people in the wedding ritual. For example, “about the drinking of the jalovka,” that is, the cutting and throwing of the wedding bun is characteristic of the last dedication of the bride in the evening. At this moment, the matchmakers from the groom’s side say: “Give the cow, also give the bun.” After they take the bride, they demand the bun called “jalovka,” “karovka” [14, p. 54]. This bun, as emphasized in the publication, plays a significant role in wedding rituals. Interestingly, a small pie baked from the same dough as “jalovka” is called “pastushok.” During the rituals, men try to steal this pie for the women.

In Smolensk Region, as in other places of Eastern Slavic lands, the driving of cows to pasture on St. George’s Day was very solemn, although there were also regional peculiarities. At this time, in each house before driving the livestock, the host and hostess light candles before the icons, which were blessed in the pre-Easter week. Then they cover the table with a clean tablecloth, place a round loaf of white bread on it, set a salt shaker filled with salt, and pray. Then the host takes the icon of St. George and the candles, while the hostess takes the bread and salt, and they begin to make a round of their livestock, saying: “Holy George, dear, we entrust our cattle to you and ask you to protect it from fierce beasts and evil men.”

As in other areas of Eastern Slavic lands, they then place a lock and key on the ground under the entrance gate and say: “So that the wolf’s pasture is locked as tightly as the lock is locked with a key.” An icon is placed above the gate, and the livestock is driven out into the street. The shepherd again walks around the entire herd with the icon of St. Nicholas the Miracle Worker, saying: “Holy Nicholas, dear, I entrust all the herd to you and ask you to protect it from fierce beasts” [55, p. 55]. After this prayer, all drive the cattle into the field, holding willow branches in their hands. The hostesses give the shepherd and the herdsmen lard and eggs, from which they must prepare scrambled eggs in the field.

Dabravolski recorded a ritual used to protect the herd from misfortunes, evil eyes, and wild beasts. When the scrambled eggs are ready, the shepherd determines who among the herdsmen will be the hare, who will be the blind one, who will be the lame one, who will be the lock, and who will be the log. The shepherd arranges them around the herd, takes the prepared scrambled eggs, and goes with them, first asking the hare:

“Hare, hare, is the aspen bitter?”

He replies: “Bitter.”

– “God grant that our cattle may also be bitter for the beast.”

Then the shepherd asks the blind one: “Blind one, blind one, can you see?”

The blind one replies: “I cannot see.”

– “God grant that our cattle may not see the beast.” Then it is the turn of the lame one, the lock, and the log. They all answer the shepherd’s questions, and accordingly, the shepherd, using the phrase “God grant,” essentially expresses incantatory words, formulas.

Thus, the shepherd, as in some other places of the Slavic world, walks around the herd three times. Then all those who participated in the ceremony sit down and consume the scrambled eggs.

Soon after, in the evening, the shepherds drive the cows home to the village. Another peculiarity of Smolensk Region: after a certain time following the driving of the cows home, dances begin, similar to Radunitsa.

Almost every district of Smolensk Province, the author emphasizes, has its characteristic features.

In the Paretsky district, for example, as in a number of places in Eastern Slavia, during the first driving of cows into the field, they walk around the animals with an icon in the barn, placing a belt, a razor, an axe, a log, and a scythe at the barn gate, and they must themselves drive the animals into the field.

In the Paretsky district, for example, as in a number of places in Eastern Slavia, during the first driving of cows into the field, they walk around the animals with an icon in the barn, placing a belt, a razor, an axe, a log, and a scythe at the barn gate, and they must themselves drive the animals into the field.

Particular attention should also be paid to the following custom. After driving the livestock into the field, each woman throws into the place from which she drove her livestock willow branches with which she drove them and begins to jump over them (from 3 to 5 times), trying to jump as high as possible. The peasants explained the custom of jumping over the willow branches in various ways. Some said, Breżga writes, that they did this so that the cattle would always jump, that is, always be healthy and cheerful. Others said that the jumping was aimed at invoking a better harvest of flax. However, the first explanation seems more reasonable. This custom was based on sympathetic or initiatory magic: through such actions, the desired was invoked.

It should be noted that the Jurian customs and rituals of Smolensk Region are extraordinarily rich. In some other areas of Smolensk Region on St. George’s Day, women did the following: women in the field drank vodka, one would tear the scarf off another’s head, pull each other’s hair, repeating: “so that the master has rye as thick and lush as hair” [14, p. 57].

In Smolensk Region, as in other places in Belarus and Russia, it was believed that if livestock is driven into the field early, it comes under the protection of St. George, who, according to popular beliefs, rides around the fields from early morning on this day, and whatever livestock he sees there will be protected throughout the summer from diseases and wild beasts.

One can also mention another custom that, however, prevailed during Yuri’s Day in the Elninsky district of Smolensk Region. Here, the hostesses, as stated in the publication, drive the large cattle into the field on St. George’s Day. One of them carries bread, salt, and an icon of St. George. The animals are driven into a circle and are not allowed to disperse. Each woman holds in her hands a willow branch, blessed on Palm Sunday, as well as holy water, which the priest sprinkled on their house during the service in Holy Week. When the animals gather in a circle, those present begin to pray, asking St. George to take them under his protection. Then the shepherd, along with several boys, walks around the herd three times with the icon and salt [14, p. 58]. After praying once more, the shepherd drives his herd out, and each of the women goes to her own field, where she sticks the willow and holy water into the ground so that the rye will be, according to popular beliefs, thick and tall.

All the hosts, hostesses, and shepherds gather and pray before the icon, taken by someone from the hosts. Then the shepherds stand around the herd, while all the others, hosts and hostesses, walk around the entire herd with the icon. Around this ceremony, they stop four times, and at each stop, a shooter standing nearby fires a gun [14, p. 58]. This last circumstance raises the question: where did the custom of shooting from a gun come from in a number of places in the northern part of Belarus [11, p. 104], as well as in certain places in Smolensk Region (it is not entirely clear where this is recorded)?

Firstly, it could have appeared in the northern part of Belarus and in Smolensk Region independently (regardless of its existence among other peoples), as it served to scare away wild beasts from domestic animals. This, firstly. Secondly, such a custom could have originated, for example, among the Smolensk people under the influence of the Scandinavian (Swedish) substrate. However, such an assumption seems unlikely. Thirdly, this cultural phenomenon on Yuri’s Day could have spread in Belarus (especially its northern part) under the influence of settlers from German-speaking countries (Germany, Scandinavia), Eastern and Southeastern Baltic (Livonia, Prussian Kingdom), who lived in the 11th–19th centuries not only in Belarusian cities and towns but also in rural areas.

Thus, Dabravolski, perhaps like no other researcher of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, thoroughly studied the traditional spiritual culture of the Belarusians of Smolensk Region. He also studied the analogous culture of the Russians of this administrative-territorial unit well. His works have not lost their scientific value to this day. Vladimir Dabravolski was well acquainted with the language of the inhabitants of Smolensk Region. By including the materials of V. Dabravolski in his work, Breżga significantly enriched our understanding of the Jurian customs and rituals of the Smolensk people, including Belarusians in general.

Comments

I Bolesław Breżga may have had certain connections to Belarusians, as he was born in that part of Latvia (Rezekne district) where Belarusians have lived since ancient times. He was well acquainted with the language of our ancestors.

II For V. Dabravolski, it was no secret that in the central and western parts of Smolensk Region in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries, Belarusians lived. The population of this region in the 11th–20th centuries experienced many wars, misfortunes, and disasters. The inhabitants of the Smolensk and Polotsk principalities, despite their identical ethnic origin (being descendants of Slavs and Balts, belonging to the tribal union of Krivichs), sometimes waged wars against each other. Their ethnic self-awareness was also affected by the fact that Smolensk Region was essentially a border zone between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth on one side, and the Grand Duchy of Moscow, the Russian Empire on the other. The fact that the church, the education system, the army, and other state structures functioned in the last few centuries in the Russian language also played a role. Long residence within Russia significantly influenced the ethnic self-awareness of the Smolensk people. However, in the 19th – early 20th centuries, Belarusian (Y. Karski and others) and a number of conscientious Russian researchers (M. Tsebryakov, S. Maksimov, and others) considered Smolensk Region, especially its central and western parts, to belong to the Belarusian ethnic territory. See, for example: [7, p. 428–472]. An authority like Karski, for instance, asserted: ”… the majority of the province is inhabited by the Belarusian tribe, and only four eastern districts (Yukhnovsky, Vyazemsky, Sychevsky, and Gzhatsky) belong to the southern Great Russian dialect” [6, p. 43]. It is noteworthy that the majority of the descendants of Belarusians, about whose culture Breżga and V. Dabravolski wrote, currently identify themselves as Russians.

III Regarding nicknames, the author mentioned briefly. In Smolensk Region, as in other places of Eastern Slavia, cows were given nicknames not only in honor of their birthday but also based on other characteristics, especially often according to the color of the animal. In Belarus, for example, such nicknames as Belka, Zorka, Krasulya, Lysa, Lyska, Lysyukha, Malina, Malinka, Rabava, Rabina, Rabinka, Rabka, Rabushka, Pyastrukha, Pyastrushka, Pastilka, Ramashka, Charnava, Charnukha, etc. were known.

IV Breżga points out that something similar is also widespread among the peoples of the German language family (Swedes). Among the Swedes, the first driving of domestic cattle into the field is considered a great holiday and usually falls around mid-May. The holiday begins the day before with the lighting of bonfires in various places (both bonfires and gunshots are somewhat similar phenomena). At this time, Breżga writes, village boys ride through the forest all night, shooting guns, blowing horns, and making incredible sounds [14, p. 58–59]. According to M. Haldiankov, in Smolensk, the Goths (Swedes) were the only inhabitants for at least the first fifty years of the city’s existence. In the village of Gnezdovo, located 12 kilometers from modern Smolensk, burials of Normans have been discovered, dating back to the mid-9th century. See: [3, p. 11.]

V Scandinavian warriors, retainers, traders, etc. played a certain role in the history and culture of Polotsk and other principalities on the territory of Belarus in the 9th–13th centuries, but they quickly Slavicized.

Literature

  1. Belarusian Mythology. Encyclopedic Dictionary. Minsk, 2004.

  2. Belarusians. Vol. 6. Social Traditions (V. F. Batyaev, V.M. Belyavina, A.U. Gurko, et al. – Minsk: Belarusian Science, 2002. 606 p.

  3. Goldenkov M. The Blood of the Vikings Still Flows // Secret Studies. 2008, No. 5, March. P. 11.

  4. Agricultural Calendar: Rituals and Customs / Compilation, classification, systematization of materials and commentary by A.I. Hurski; introductory article by A.I. Hurski, A.S. Lisa. – Minsk: Science and Technology, 1990. 405 p.

  5. Calendar-Ritual Poetry // A.S. Lis, A.I. Hurski, V.M. Sharaya, U.M. Sivitsky; scientific editor A.S. Fyadosik. – Minsk: Belarusian Science, 2001. – 515 p.

  6. Karski E. F. Belarusians: 3 vols. Vol. 1. Minsk: BelEn, 2006. – 656 p.

  7. Maksimov S.V. Belarusian Smolenshchina with Neighbors // Picturesque Russia: Our Homeland in its Land, Historical, Tribal, Economic, and Everyday Significance: Lithuanian and Belarusian Polesye: Reprint of the 1882 edition. – 2nd ed. – Minsk: BelEn, 1994. P. 429–472.

  8. Folk Culture of Belarus: Encyclopedic Reference / under the general editorship of V.S. Titov. Minsk: BelEn, 2002. – 432 p.

  9. Paniznik S. He Raised the Pages of Antiquity // Voice of the Homeland. 1978, No. 18. May 4. P. 7.

  10. Traditional Artistic Culture of Belarusians. In 6 vols. Vol. 1. Mogilev Region. Minsk: Belarusian Science, 2001. – 797 p.

  11. Traditional Artistic Culture of Belarusians. In 6 vols. Vol. 2. Vitebsk Region / T.B. Varfalameeva, A.M. Boganeva, M.A. Kozenka, et al.; compiler T.B. Varfalameeva. – Minsk: Belarusian Science, 2004. – 910 p.

  12. Traditional Artistic Culture of Belarusians. In 6 vols. Vol. 3. Grodno Region. In 2 books. Book 1. Minsk: Higher School, 2006. – 608 p.

  13. Traditional Artistic Culture of Belarusians. In 6 vols. Vol. 4. Brest Region. In 2 books. Book 1 / V.I. Basko [et al.]. – Minsk: Higher School, 2008. – 559 p.

  14. Breżga B. Animals in the Beliefs of the Belarusians of Smolensk Province // Lud. Ser. II. Vol. V. Year 1926. P. 52–59.

Source: Anatol Litvinovich. On the Features of Jurian Customs and Rituals of the Inhabitants of Smolensk Region (Based on Materials from the Late 19th – Early 20th Century)// Folklore and Modern Culture: Materials of the III International Scientific-Practical Conference, March 21–22, 2011, Minsk. In 2 parts. Part 1 / Editorial board: I. S. Roudy [et al.]. — Minsk: Publishing Center of BSU, 2011. — P. 77-79.